Access Nigeria and
Access Sierra Leone
The Access Nigeria and Access Sierra
Leone is an Accountable Governance for Justice and Security (AGJS) project. The
project is being implemented by a consortium made up of CLEEN Foundation (Nigeria), a nongovernmental organisation that
promotes public safety, security and justice; Partners for Democratic Change (United States),
a global organization with over 23 years of experience at the forefront of
civil society capacity building and good governance promotion; and Campaign for
Good Governance Sierra Leone (CGG). Other members of the consortium are
Institute for War and Peace Reporting (United
States); and BudgIT Nigeria. The Consortium is aimed at
building more accountable institutions in Nigeria
and Sierra Leone
by enhancing institutional transparency, preventing impunity and reducing
transaction cost of transnational organised crime (TOC) in both countries.
Introduction
In
response to the endemic corruption in Nigeria, the government in the last
two decades instituted different anti-corruption agencies to deal with the
problem. These agencies include the
1. Economic and Financial Crimes
Commission (EFCC),
2. Independent Corrupt Practices
Commission (ICPC) and the
3. Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal
(CCB and CCT).
The
performances of these agencies have largely been questioned by Nigerian
citizens and international development partners. It is often observed that
despite the years of investment in the activities of these bodies, corruption
in the country has continued to surge. In the last few years especially since
2009 it has been one financial scam or scandal involving senior politicians and
officials of government. The culture of impunity which permeates the system
also gives a cause for concern. Some of
those accused seemingly go unpunished and remain in government. Consequently Nigeria has
continued to receive poor ranking in corruption index. In 2013, Nigeria ranked
144th out of 177 countries surveyed corruption index.
The
surge in corruption cases in the country has been linked to lack of political
will by successive governments to deal with the challenge. Institutions
responsible for tackling the issues have practically been comatose. The
anti-corruption agencies are set up by and dependent on government for funding,
they are not autonomous, sometimes lack the will to investigate public
officials whom they perceive to be powerful.
Part
of the challenges faced by the Anti-corruption agencies include poor funding
and There lack of the necessary expertise, tools and equipment to effectively
carry out their mandates.
Objective of Analysis
- To gauge the effectiveness of the 2014 Appropriation Bill in empowering
the Anti-Corruption agencies to carry out their mandates.
-
To assess the commitment of government to fighting corruption in the
country.
Mandate of
Anticorruption Agencies in Nigeria
Established by the Economic and
Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Act in 2004, the EFCC’s mandate is to
prevent, investigate, prosecute and penalise economic and financial
crimes. It is also expected to enforce
the provision of laws and regulations relating to economic and financial crimes.
The Independent Corrupt Practices
Commission (ICPC) was set up by an Act in 2000 and its mandate includes the
following:
- To receive and investigate reports of corruption and in appropriate cases prosecute the offender[s].
- To examine, review and enforce the correction of corruption prone systems and procedures of public bodies, with a view to eliminating corruption in public life.
- Educating and enlightening the public on and against corruption and related offences with a view to enlisting and fostering public support for the fight against corruption.
The Code of Conduct Bureau and
Tribunal (CCB&T) Act of 1990 confers on the bureau the
mandate to establish
and maintain a high standard of public morality in the conduct of government
business and to ensure that the actions and behaviour of public officers
conform to the highest standards of public morality and accountability.
Funding Trend Analysis of
Anticorruption Agencies
The graphs below show allocations to the various anticorruption agencies
from 2011 to 2014. The funding pattern
reveals a regression in public funding to these agencies. With the increase in the trends of corruption
in the country, it would have been expected that the funding of these agencies
would improve over time rather than decline, as the case is presently.
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Analysis
of the allocation of the Anticorrution agencies compared to other agencies:
In the
last 3 years the yearly total allocations for all the anticorruption agencies
is less than half of the allocation to the
Niger Delta Amnesty program[1] or the
Ministry of Niger Delta.
The
budget of the three agencies combined is less than half the budget of The
Ministry of Niger Delta at N111bn or the N100bn allocated to National Assembly for constituency projects
without details on how the funds will be spent.
While most agencies suffer from inadequate funding, there are
indications that some allocations are wasteful.
Analysis of 2014 Budget
Allocations to Anticorruption Agencies
The budget formulation process in Nigeria typically follows four
stages: Formulation and Preparation, Legislative Approval, Implementation,
Monitoring and Evaluation (including Audit).
The timing of the budget process begins midway in the preceding year
with a call circular to Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) to send in
budget proposals. By October, a draft bill is prepared by the Federal Ministry
of Finance
(FMoF) and sent to the National Assembly (NASS) by the President.
Recurrent
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Capital
|
Total
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ICPC
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4,542,989,874
|
132,897,643
|
4,675,887,517
|
CCB
|
1,856,158,560
|
1,006,147,091
|
2,862,305,651
|
CCT
|
460,229,424
|
52,440,642
|
512,670,066
|
EFCC
|
8,838,694,493
|
1,406,674,677
|
10,245,369,170
|
Agencies
Total
|
15,698,072,351
|
2,598,160,053.00
|
18,296,232,404
|
Source: Extract from 2014 FGN appropriation
bill
The National assembly
should ideally approve the Bill before the end of December and the President
signs it into law in January. This has
rarely been the practice as the approval process suffers major delays due to
contentions between the Executive and the Legislative arm.
Although this is
expected in a democracy however the situation far exceeds the norm thus
impacting negatively on the timely release of the enacted budget. For instance
the 2008 budget was approved in mid-April, approvals for 2010 and 2011 budgets
were around March and in 2012 the budget approval was in mid-April, while in
2013 an amended budget was signed in to law in July. The 2014 Appropriation
Budget was signed on 21st May.
The share of the total
budget of all the four anticorruption agencies reviewed –ICPC, CCB, CCT and
EFCC sums up to N18.2bn. The allocation to the agencies is seemingly inadequate
compared to enormity of the corruption and the work that the agencies need to
carry out within the country. With approximately 3million[2]
public service workers, the per capita budget expenditure assuming the entire
budget of all the agencies were directed to fight corruption would amount to
N6,000. This is a huge reflection of the level of underfunding of
anti-corruption agencies and reinforced the increasing perception that the
government is not committed to the fight against corruption.
Capital and Recurrent Votes of Anticorruption
Agencies
The entire capital
budget of the three agencies amounts to N2.5b, about the same amount allocated
to the Ministry of information (N2b) from SURE –P funds[3] to
carry out publicity on Sure - P activities.
Substantial parts of the
allocations to these agencies are for recurrent expenditure, particularly
personnel salaries and emolument. As a result most of the agencies have little
or no resources for operational work.
EFCC
EFCC will spend 14% of
its budget on Capital, 19% on overhead and 67% on Personnel. Under the
classification of Overheads, Legal services get the highest votes of N198.5m
followed by security votes of N177m while publicity and advertisement is
allocated N128m the same as the cost of fuelling their generators.
It is not clear how many
corruption cases can be handled with a paltry sum N198.5m, when some of the
financial scams run in billions of Naira, this is possibly the reason these
agencies take the easiest way of plea bargains.
However a peep into the Ribadu years reveal that in
2009, EFCC’s budget was N26b, while capital votes was N10.3b, then publicity
got as much as N500m! 5 years later EFFC’s budget has reduced by more than a
half.
The 2014 EFCC capital
votes are mainly administrative in nature e.g. purchase of computers, security
equipment, motor vehicles and furniture and construction of office buildings
gulping the largest share of capital votes at N1.2bn.
The budget details does
not provide for special facilities and programmes directed at the fight against
corruption.
ICPC
For ICPC, recurrent
costs takes 97% of it meagre budget of about 4.5bn. However 3 projects within the Federal Capital
Territory Development Authority is
equivalent to ICPC’s entire one year budget (for instance, construction of Vice President’s residence at
N1bn, NASS presiding officers guest house at N1.5bn and Construction of NASS
complex at another 1.5bn).
ICPC
allocations are traditionally skewed as any other ministry. For instance, the
agency is expected to use its entire
capital budget for the year to purchase office building at N122m while purchase
of security equipment gets N10m, training gets N48m and publicity gets N90m.
Its
obvious with this budget that ICPC can
only perform its mandate on
publicity. The task of prevention, investigation and prosecution of offenders
will be very difficult on the current funding arrangement.
Code of Conduct Bureau and Code of Conduct Tribunal
Reports from the CCB have always cited inadequate funds to properly
execute their mandate. The agency lacks the resources and capacity to verify
declaration made by public officers. It is even worse when they are expected to
investigate cases and prosecute offenders.
Despite this, 35% of CCB’s budget will be expended on capital projects
while 65% will be for recurrent. Allocations within the capital budget that
support CCB delivery are mainly public enlightenment at N120m in the 36 states
and FCT, capturing of completed asset declaration forms at N70m. As with
virtually all the MDAs, there are allocations for office buildings, purchase of
library books etc. Of interest also is N230m voted for monitoring, if shared
among the 36 states and FCT evenly each state will have a little above N6m.
This amount may not effectively support development of Monitoring and
Evaluation systems as well as logistics of the process.
For the Code of Conduct
Tribunal,its entire budget of N512m is less than the N568m the Ministry of
Finance HQ will spend on honorarium and sitting allowances in 2014.
Conclusion
The allocations to anticorruption agencies are mainly used for salaries
and overheads of public servants while items that would assist agencies to meet
their mandate are negligible.
The present allocations to the anticorruption agencies cannot address
the magnitude of corruption in the country. The agencies are challenged by the
enormity of cases and the daring nature of some of the cases.
Relying on donors and bilateral collaborations to support programs aimed
at fighting corruption shows government insincerity in addressing the problem.
If the government wants to tackle corruption then it must be seen to be
allocating adequate resources to the agencies responsible for tackling
corruption.
Recommendations
Ø Corruption is endemic and can be likened to an epidemic thus the
government of Nigeria
should prioritize these agencies and make intervention funds like Sure –P also
available to them.
Ø Anticorruption agencies should be funded adequately to enable them to
address the magnitude of corruption in the country.
Ø Civil Groups should be encouraged to monitor the implementation of
allocations to these agencies to gauge effective utilisation of resources.
Ø The agencies should prioritize allocations to items that would enhance
their ability to fight corruption rather than following the path of traditional
ministries that vote large amounts for sitting allowances, maintenance etc
Ø Although collaboration with international Development Partners is
welcome, as they help to build the capacity of these agencies, it is important
that government continues to play the lead role and demonstrates political will
to end the problem.
Key Findings:
·
The budget of the
three agencies combined is less than half the budget of The Ministry of Niger
Delta at N111bn or the N100bn allocated to National Assembly for constituency
projects without details on how the funds will be spent.
·
In the last 3
years, the yearly total allocations for all the anticorruption agencies is less
than half of the allocation to the Niger
Delta Amnesty program or the Ministry of
Niger Delta.
·
The 2014 EFCC
capital votes are mainly administrative in nature e.g. purchase of computers,
security equipment, motor vehicles and furniture and construction of office
buildings gulping the largest share of capital votes at N1.2bn.
Key Recommendation:
·
Government should prioritise the fight against
corruption and make intervention funds like Sure-P also available to them
·
civil society groups should be encouraged to
monitor the implementation of allocations to these agencies to gauge effective
utilisation of resources
·
anticorruption agencies should be adequately
funded to enable them address the magnitude of corruption in the country
·
The agencies should prioritize allocations to
items that would enhance their ability to fight corruption.
[1]
The Niger Delta Amnesty programme was established in 2009 by late president
Musa Yar’Adua. It is aimed at transforming and reintegrating ex-militants of
the Niger Delta through nonviolence training and equipping them with Vocational
skills
[2]
http://el-rufai.org/reforming-our-dysfunctional-public-service
[3]
Sure-P is a government programme on employment generation. The programme is
funded by savings of the partial removal of subsidy on Petroleum products on
2012
1 comments:
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