ELECTION SECURITY THREAT ASSESSMENT: TOWARDS 2016 GOVERNORSHIP ELECTION IN EDO STATE

INTRODUCTION

As Edo State prepares for the gubernatorial election scheduled for September 10, 2016, the political atmosphere of the state is already charged ahead of the election that promises to be one of the most keenly contested in the history of the state. The tense political temperature is further heightened by the inflammatory utterances of the major candidates as well as reported cases of attacks and counter-attacks on their campaign convoys. In this analysis, the risk factors that may threaten public peace and security during and immediately after the election are examined as well how they can be checked or de-escalated. The preparations by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and security agencies are highlighted as well as recommendations on how to ensure a free, free and conclusive election in Edo State.

A BRIEF HISTORY OF EDO STATE

Edo State was created on August 27, 1991 when the military government led by General Ibrahim Babangida divided the former Bendel State into two separate states namely Edo and Delta states. Edo State occupies a land area of about 17,802 square kilometers and has a population of about four million with a density of 168 persons per square kilometre. The ancient Benin City is the capital of the state. Edo State shares borders with three other states – Ondo State to the west; Delta State to the south and east; and Kogi to the north. This strategic location of the state has over the years attracted a large migrant population from other regions of Nigeria.

The state has three senatorial districts (Edo South, Edo Central and Edo North); nine Federal House of Representative seats; and 24 House of Assembly seats. Of the three senatorial districts, Edo South has the largest populations (57.54 per cent) spread across seven local government areas (LGAs); followed by Edo North which has 25 per cent of the populations spread across six LGAs; and finally Edo Central Senatorial District which constitutes 17.14 per cent of the populations of the state and occupy five LGAs. The LGAs in each senatorial district are shown in the table below:

S/N	Senatorial District	LGAs
1.	Edo South Senatorial District	Egor, Orhionmwon, Ovia North-East, Ovia South-West, Ikpoba-Okha, Oredo, and Uhunmwode
2.	Edo North Senatorial District	Akoko-Edo, Etsako Central, Etsako East, Etsako West, Owan East, and Owan West
3.	Edo Central Senatorial District	Esan Central, Esan West, Esan South-East, Esan North-East, and Igueben

The three senatorial districts are also largely demarcated along the three major ethno-cultural lines of the state. While Edo South is predominantly made up of the Edo or Bini-speaking people; Edo North comprises mainly the Afemai people including Etsako (12.19 per cent), Owan (7.43 per cent), and Akoko-Edo (5.70 per cent); and Edo Cenral is largely composed of the Esan people. Regardless of these three broad ethno-cultural divisions, there are several minority ethnic groups in the state including the Ijaw, Itsekiri, Urhobo, Igbirra, Ika and Igbo. Though leading politicians have politicized and manipulated the ethnic differences among the groups over the years especially when agitating for state and locality creations, yet the people share enormous cultural similarities and linguistic affinities owing to their historical roots to the ancient Benin Kingdom.

But despite its huge human capital and cash crops production in the country, Edo State is largely underdeveloped when compared with several other states in the country. Even the existing infrastructures such as roads, public health facilities, schools, etc. which were built in the 1970s and 1980s by the governments of Samuel Ogbemudia and Ambrose Alli have been poorly maintained over the years. And some of the state-owned companies such as the Bendel Brewery have even been sold off. Thus, Edo State has a high level of unemployment and attendant criminal violence such as cultism, armed robbery and ransom kidnapping. The underdevelopments of the state and recent upsurge in social vices have been blamed generally on poor governance.

RELIGIOUS COMPOSITION

Perhaps due to its social and ethnic diversity, Edo State is multi-religious in nature. While Christianity is the dominant religion in Edo South and Edo Central Senatorial Districts, Islam is the main religion in Edo North due to some historical antecedents. Christianity was introduced to the Benin Kingdom in the 15^th century by Portuguese missionaries whereas the Nupe warriors introduced Islam to Edo North in the twilight of the 19^th century.

But besides these two dominant religions, Edo State also has large adherents of Traditional African Religion (ATR) especially among the Binis. In fact, ATR is the official religion of the Benin Traditional Council which is headed by the Oba (monarch) with the assistance of the Enogies (title holders). But despite its multi-religious character, Edo State enjoys a high degree of religious harmony because of the good mix of the adherents of the different faiths. This is a sharp contrast to the experience in some other parts of the country especially northern Nigeria where Christian-Muslim relations are characterized by mutual suspicion and incessant violence.

POLITICS OF EDO STATE         

Over the years, Edo State has acquired a reputation as one of the frontlines of competitive politics in Nigeria. In confirmation of this, power has largely rotated between leading political parties in the state since the 1950s. Even the creation of the Mid-West Region in 1963 was an outcome of this competitive power struggle. Following alleged marginalization of Edo and Delta people in the Western Region, the Mid West State Movement (MWSM) agitated for the creation of the Mid-West Region. But the Action Group (AG) party which controlled the government in the Western Region frustrated the quest for a separate region from its domain. To actualize their objective, the MWSM forged an alliance with the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) which controlled the central government in the First Republic in coalition with the Northern People’s Party (NPP). In order to weaken the power of the AG which was the main opposition, the NPP-NCNC led national government granted the request of the MWSM and created the Mid-West Region in 1963. And since the NCNC had the largest number of seats in the House of Assembly, it formed the government.

However, power swung to the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) which grew out of the AG in the Second Republic. As a result, Prof. Ambrose Alli became the governor of Bendel State between 1979 and 1983.  But in the 1983 gubernatorial election, the opposition party defeated the UPN when Dr. Samuel Ogbemudia became governor under the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). In line with this historical power competition between leading political parties, Chief John Oyegun of the left leaning Social Democratic Party (SDP) defeated the Chief Lucky Igbinedion of the conservative National Republican Convention (NRC) in 1991 and became the governor of the newly created Edo State in the short-lived Third Republic.

But when the military disengaged from politics and Nigeria re-democratized in 1999, the right-leaning People’s Democratic Party (PDP) rode back to power in the state with Chief Lucky Igbinedion as governor. Even though the PDP secured a re-election in 2003, the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) came to power in 2007 when Mr. Adams Oshiomhole (a former President of the Nigerian Labour Congress) was declared winner when the Court of Appeal affirmed the verdict of the Election Tribunal after the Independent Electoral Commission (INEC) had declared Prof Oserhiemen Osunbor of the PDP winner and sworn in as governor 18 months earlier. With this development, Mr. Oshiomhole replaced Prof Osunbor as governor. Mr. Oshiomhole was re-elected as governor in 2012.  Also, the APC currently controls the House of Assembly with 18 seats against PDP’s six seats. However, at the federal level, the opposition party, the PDP controls two senatorial districts (Edo Central and Edo South) while APC, the ruling party controls Edo North.  In the House of Representatives, PDP controls five federal constituencies while the APC controls four. 

PARTIES AND CANDIDATES IN THE GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION

 A total of 19 parties have registered candidates for the 2016 gubernatorial election. The parties, candidates and their deputies are shown in the table below.

Contestants in Edo State 2016 Gubernatorial Election

S/N	Party	Gov. candidate	Deputy
1.	AA	Ishaka Paul Ofemilie	Ewemade Nancy Osagie
2.	ACD	Andrew Igwemoh	Osagie Egharevba Andrew
3.	ACPN	Cosmos Irabor	Frederick Parker Odegua
4.	APC	Godwin Nogheghase Obaseki	Philip Shaibu
5.	APGA	Onaiwu Osaze Osaro	Okpebholo Oyemen Gladys
6.	CPP	David Ewanlen Okoror	Ekhorotomwen Smile Uyi
7.	ID	Tobi Adeniyi	Ebolo Julius
8	KOWA	Thompson Osadolor	Florence Adaehomen Okundaye
9.	LP	Amos Osalumese Areloegbe	Jane Osagie
10.	MPPP	Oronsaye Richard	Omijie Ehinor
11.	NCP	Peters Osawaru Omoragbon	Ahmed Haruna
12.	NNPP	Ukonga Frank Onaivi	Emodogo Dorcas Eweha
13.	PDC	Akhalamhe Amiemenoghena	Aiyanyor Efosa Osarobo
14.	PDP	Ize-Iyamu Osagie Andrew	John Ehibhatoman Yakubu
15.	PPA	Thomas Emanesi Sadoh	Onaiwu Ogbeide
16.	PPN	Agol Tracy Ebun	Osayomore Clement Osazee
17.	SDP	Omorogieva Gbajumo	Isaac P.E. Ogona
18.	UPP	Adviser Shadrach Nowamagbe Ofogie	Okosun Davies Roseline
19.	YDP	Nurudeen Inwanfero	Dakpokpo Georgina

 Source:  INEC 2016

Despite the unprecedented large number of contestants, the election is largely a contest between the incumbent APC and the PDP based on analysis of the strength and resources available to the various parties. Thus, the profiles of the APC and PDP contestants are examined below.

Mr. Godwin Obaseki

Mr. Godwin Obaseki had his early education in St. Matthews Anglican Primary School and Eghosa Anglican Grammer School, Benin City. Later he attended the University of Ibadan where he obtained a BA in Classics before proceeding to Columbia University and Pace University in New York for an MBA in Finance and International Business. A Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Stock Brokers (Nigeria), Mr. Obaseki has had over 30 years career in Investment Banking, Asset Management, Securities Trading and the Public Sector both internationally and in Nigeria.

Mr. Obaseki has also had a stint in public service. From March 2009 to date, he has served as the Chairman of the Edo State Government’s Economic and Strategy Team (EST). Despite his paltry political experience, Mr. Obaseki enjoys enormous incumbency advantage because of the support accorded him by Governor Adams Oshiomhole. In addition, Mr. Obaseki’s running mate, Hon. Phillip Shaibu, has been a member of the Edo State House of Assembly and is currently a member of the Federal House of Representatives.

Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu

Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu had his early education at Ebenezer Primary School and Edo College in Benin City. He later studied for his LLB degree in the Faculty of Law, University of Benin and his BL at the Nigerian Law School. An astute businessman, Pastor Ize-Iyamu is the founder of I.O Farms Training Institute at Ugbor-Amagba communities in Benin City. He is also a pastor with the Redeemed Christian Church of God.

Pastor Ize-Iyamu has been a key actor in Edo State politics and has held positions in both PDP and APC governments. He was the Chief of Staff, Government House from 1999 to 2003 under the administration of Chief Lucky Igbinedion. He was later elevated to the position of Secretary to the State Government (SSG).When he left the PDP, Pastor Ize-Iyamu served as the National Vice Chairman, South-South Zone of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and later as Director General of Oshiomhole’s second term Campaign Organization under the APC. When he returned to the PDP, Pastor Ize-Iyamu was appointed Coordinator of Goodluck/Sambo Campaign Organization for the 2015 presidential election.

RESEARCH ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS

This section of the assessment discusses the method through which data was collected in the field, identifies possible hot-spots for violence and key research findings.

METHODOLOGY

The procedure of producing the pre-election risk assessment report for the 2016 Edo state gubernatorial election was hinged on the election risk assessment protocol and instrument developed by the Electoral Institute of INEC. These can be broadly classified into two;

1.      Field work:

i.                    Recruitment and training of field workers

ii.                  Carried out field work in the 18 LGAs in the state

iii.                The population of the target group was used in determining the sample size for the field work.

iv.                A margin of error of 3.5 and confidence level of 95% was used for this research.

v.                  A total of 783 respondents were sampled.

vi.                The data entry and analysis were done using Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS).

2.      Triangulation: The outcome of the field work was complemented by KII, media reports etc.

FREQUENCY TABLE FOR GENERAL PUBLIC RESPONDENTS (LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREAS)
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Akoko-Edo	20	5.3	5.3	5.3
	Egor	27	7.2	7.2	12.5
	Esan Central	20	5.3	5.3	17.8
	Esan North East	20	5.3	5.3	23.1
	Esan South-East	20	5.3	5.3	28.5
	Esan West	21	5.6	5.6	34.0
	Estako West	22	5.9	5.9	39.9
	Etsako Central	20	5.3	5.3	45.2
	Etsako East	19	5.1	5.1	50.3
	Igueben	20	5.3	5.3	55.6
	Ikpoba - Okha	24	6.4	6.4	62.0
	Oredo	21	5.6	5.6	67.6
	Orhionmwon	18	4.8	4.8	72.3
	Ovia North East	25	6.6	6.6	79.0
	Ovia South West	20	5.3	5.3	84.3
	Owan East	20	5.3	5.3	89.6
	Owan West	20	5.3	5.3	94.9
	Uhunmwode	19	5.1	5.1	100.0
	Total	376	100.0	100.0

 

GENDER TABLE FOR GENERAL PUBLIC RESPONDENTS
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Male	256	68.1	68.3	68.3
	Female	119	31.6	31.7	100.0
	Total	375	99.7	100.0
Missing	System	1	.3
Total		376	100.0

Q1. Do you agree that election in this area will be peaceful?
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Strongly Agree	122	32.4	32.6	32.6
	Agree	144	38.3	38.5	71.1
	Undecided	49	13.0	13.1	84.2
	Disagree	36	9.6	9.6	93.9
	Strongly Disagree	23	6.1	6.1	100.0
	Total	374	99.5	100.0
Missing	System	2	.5
Total		376	100.0

FREQUENCY TABLE FOR EXPERTS' RESPONDENTS (LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA)
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid		61	15.9	15.9	15.9
	Akoko-Edo	20	5.2	5.2	21.1
	Egor	17	4.4	4.4	25.6
	Esan Central	19	5.0	5.0	30.5
	Esan North East	20	5.2	5.2	35.8
	Esan South-East	12	3.1	3.1	38.9
	Esan West	21	5.5	5.5	44.4
	Estako West	18	4.7	4.7	49.1
	Etsako Central	18	4.7	4.7	53.8
	Etsako East	17	4.4	4.4	58.2
	Igueben	9	2.3	2.3	60.6
	Ikpoba - Okha	21	5.5	5.5	66.1
	Oredo	22	5.7	5.7	71.8
	Orhionmwon	17	4.4	4.4	76.2
	Ovia North East	20	5.2	5.2	81.5
	Ovia South West	20	5.2	5.2	86.7
	Owan East	20	5.2	5.2	91.9
	Owan West	15	3.9	3.9	95.8
	Uhunmwode	16	4.2	4.2	100.0
	Total	383	100.0	100.0

 

GENDER (EXPERTS' RESPONDENTS)
		Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Valid	Male	211	55.1	69.0	69.0
	Female	95	24.8	31.0	100.0
	Total	306	79.9	100.0
Missing	System	77	20.1
Total		383	100.0

KEY FINDINGS OF THE RESEARCH

·      RED: Oredo, Egor, Igueben, Esan- Central,  , Etsako-West, , Orhiorwon.

·      AMBER: Etsako East, Esan West, Esan South,  Ovia South-West, Etsako-Central, Akoko Edo

·      GREEN: Esan-North East, Owan-East, Ikpoba- Okha, Ovia North Ease, Owan West, Uhunmwode.

MAP OF EDO STATE SHOWING POSSIBLE HOTSPOTS DURING THE 2016 GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION

TABLES SHOWING POSSIBLE HOTSPOTS FROM THE ELECTION VIOLENCE MITIGATION TOOL FIELD WORK  FOR GENERAL AND EXPERTS' RESPONDENTS

GENERAL PUBLIC RESPONDENTS
S/No	LGA	RED(30-100)% of violence	AMBER(10-29)% of violence	GREEN (0-9)% of violence
1	Ovia North East
2	Uhunmwode
3	Owan West
4	Owan East
5	Orhionmwon
6	Oredo
7	Ovia South West
8	Ikpoba-Okha
9	Igueben
10	Etsako Central
11	Esan Central
12	Esan South East
13	Egor
14	Etsako East
15	Etsako West
16	Esan West
17	Esan North East
18	Akoko Edo

EXPERTS RESPONDENTS
S/No	LGA	RED(30-100)% of violence	AMBER(10-29)% of violence	GREEN (0-9)% of violence
1	Ovia North East
2	Uhunmwode
3	Owan West
4	Owan East
5	Orhionmwon
6	Oredo
7	Ovia South West
8	Ikpoba-Okha
9	Igueben
10	Etsako Central
11	Esan Central
12	Esan South East
13	Egor
14	Etsako East
15	Etsako West
16	Esan West
17	Esan North East
18	Akoko Edo

 

SYNTHESIS OF KEY RISK FACTORS

o   The role and activities of security agencies: The role of security agencies in securing the election remains a risk factor. Although the several police and other security personnel will be deployed to Edo state during the election, the need for them to be non-partisan cannot be over-emphasised as it could be a trigger for violence.

o   Early deployment of INEC staff and materials: INEC should ensure that election personnel and logistics gets to the riverine areas on time. This will reduce the waiting period before accreditation and voting can commence.

o   Hate and inciting speech: The build up to the Edo State Governorship Election has witnessed intensive campaigning especially between the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the main opposition, the Peoples Democratic Party Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP). However, with the intense campaigning has also come intense use of hate and inciting speech. These have featured on campaign ground, traditional and social media. These unguarded statements by politicians can heat up the polity, incite violence and jeopardize the peaceful conduct of the elections. Campaign rallies have turned from enlightening the masses of party manifestos and intentions to make Edo better, into hate speeches.

• Political/Youth Thuggery: There is a proliferation of political and youth thugs in Edo State. The increasing poverty, unemployment and youth exclusion has only exacerbated the problem. Many of these youth are exposed to drug, small and light weapons and are susceptible to manipulation and used as party thugs.

o   Fear of Electoral manipulation: – Vote rigging or perceived rigging will be the major trigger of violence in the gubernatorial election. It was perceived this triggered the 2011 post-election violence. It appears certain that vote rigging or perceived manipulation of the election will trigger violence in some LGA’s including Egor.

• Staff welfare and training for INEC staff: The Commission should guard against last minute switching of ad-hoc staff which hampers the smooth running of elections.
• Voter registration and collection of PVCs: Continuous voters registration should be encouraged as some eligible voters will not cast their votes on the election day as a result of their inability to register or collect permanent PVCs. In addition, the huge number of uncollected PVCs remains a challenge for the election
• Public enlightenment should be sustained: The level of illiteracy  and lack of awareness is high in some of the areas covered and may likely impact negatively on the election.

CONCLUSION

The Edo State governorship election comes up on 10^th September 2016. The aggregate data appear to suggest that the election will overall, be peaceful. However, when some questions are broken down and examined in the context of particular local governments, the picture that emerges is one that enables us to classify the potential for violence during the elections within certain locations. The fact that an LGA is classified as being of low risk does not in any way imply that election may not turn violent in such an area. As shown in Appendix Table A, there are many things that may be provocative to an electorate and these need not occur in an identified  electoral flashpoint before it turns into a raging fire. Among these are voters feeling cheated if procedures are not properly followed, non-payment of workers, usage of politicians as ad hoc electoral staff, `improper deployment of incumbency power,  corruption among INEC staff, late arrival of voting materials at voting units, among others.  The history of elections in the state may also provide some bearing here. In a sense, the electoral domains of some party chieftains as well as known party enforcers who have turned electoral violence into a business proposition. These election violence entrepreneurs are mostly to be found in urban areas. The ready availability of able-bodied young men and women who are very much idle may constitute a recruiting ground for desperate politicians who may insist on having their way at all costs in the forthcoming elections. What is to be done?

RECOMMENDATIONS       

• In identified areas with potential for violence or habitual violence, security agencies should act proactively by inviting the electoral violence entrepreneurs in these domains for pre-emptive chats.
• The security agencies should have intelligence units that monitor the behaviour of security agents deployed for election field work. Such units should be able to make reports real time and also get responses as the election is ongoing.
• Civil society observer teams should not just observe and report, but should have real time mechanism in place for connecting field observations to those who have the capacity to correct polling-unit error or intervening to put volatile situations under control.
• A conscious awareness, and constant reminders of electoral violence triggers on the part of INEC staff, security agencies and civil society organisations, with a view to nipping in the bud any these that raises its head.
• Special attention paid to ensure timely arrival of election materials and personnel, and timely commencement of the voting exercise.      

CLEEN Foundation Holds Town-Hall Meeting in Kaduna State Towards Fostering Citizens’ Support for the War against Corruption in Nigeria

The word “corruption” in Nigeria today evokes strong sentiments and myriad feelings among Nigerians. For about three decades in the history of the nation; perhaps there has never been a time that the nation has been awash and bedeviled with the experiences of corruption and the use of the word like the present times and administration.  Corruption in Nigeria pervades most sectors of the public life. While cases of corruption also abound in the private sector in terms of monetary and administrative related corruption, the public sector is a key area that has been identified as a conduit for looting public funds by public servants. Recent cases of accused public officials (serving and retired) give credence to the urgent and critical need to make public institutions and structures more accountable and transparent in their dealings. Presently, the country ranks 136 among 168 countries in the 2015 Corruption Perception Index released by the Transparency International. This is a stark rating that calls for urgent need to deploy all necessary measures to stem the tide of corruption in Nigeria.

It has also been observed by a section of Nigerians that the current anti-corruption efforts of President Muhammadu Buhari would achieve very little unless it becomes a paramount agenda that can be pursued at the state and local government levels. This is because public opinion on the fight against corruption differs. For some Nigerians, it is indicative that it is an exclusive agenda of the sitting President that is driven only at the federal level, even though corruption exists at other levels (State and local government institutions and processes).  Whereas, some have observed strongly that the war against corruption is selective and targets only politicians of the former administration amongst other assertions.

Specific areas where corruption has been linked to States and Local Government Authorities (LGAs) are: joint account operation between states and LGAs, procurement and award of contracts and lack of transparency and monitoring in budgeting processes and implementation etc. The absence of data and information and a poor record keeping system from the Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) is a strong factor that has aided corruption at the lower levels of government. Thus, citizens’ engagement becomes pivotal for an open and transparent system of governance.

Citizens need to participate in these processes to demand accountability by claiming the space in the fight against corruption at the states and LGAs. As a civil society organization at forefront of justice sector reforms, CLEEN Foundation believes the essential legal instrument that could assist the citizens to check corruption within state institutions and processes at local level is the Freedom of Information (FOI) Act. This details the right of citizens to request and receive government-held documents which should allow for effective citizen engagement in public policy and governance. A free flow of information on government performance enhances participation and opens the door for civil society to engage itself in public policy.

The town hall meeting organized by the CLEEN Foundation will hold on Wednesday 29th June 2016 in Kaduna State with the theme: ‘Fostering Citizens’ Support for the War against Corruption in Nigeria' The meeting will build the capacity of community members and other key stakeholders at the state and local government levels on engaging with available tools and innovative channels to participate in the fight against all forms of corruption. Representatives from the leading anti-graft agencies will present papers and respond to open floor discussions on how citizens can be part of the fight against corruption thereby demanding accountability and transparency in the state institutions and local governance processes.  The Kaduna Town hall meeting will also focus on the cost of corruption in Nigeria with a view to offer perspectives to the citizens on the far-reaching negative effects corruption has engendered on almost all sectors of the economy namely:  infrastructure, security, welfare, economic, politics and health among others. The town hall meeting will provide a platform for information sharing from the agency representatives to the citizens on steps they could take to help strengthen the fight against corruption.

Similar Town hall meetings are planned for Lagos, Rivers and Benue States before the end of the year. These meetings will hopefully generate far-reaching effects that trickle down to the grassroots in making citizens more aware of corruption and the negative effects towards securing their commitment to fight it.  Through this sustained efforts across Nigeria, citizens’ engagement to demand transparency and accountability and generate crosscutting ideas to check corrupt practices within government and its institutions will be greatly enhanced.

Kaduna State presents a good starting point to promote our anti-corruption engagements given the goodwill from the State government as expressed in its readiness and openness to support such laudable efforts for an open society. Civil Society organisations in support of anti-corruption will continue to collaborate with such state governments in making public funds work for the people towards an open and accountable government.

La Fondation CLEEN tient une réunion à la mairie dans l’état de Kaduna  favorisant le soutien des citoyens  pour la lutte contre la corruption.

Le mot “corruption” au Nigeria aujourd’hui évoque des sentiments forts et illimités parmi les Nigérians. Pendant environ trois décennies dans l’histoire de la nation ; peut-être il n’y a jamais eu un temps que la nation a été inondée et tourmentée avec des expériences de la corruption et l’utilisation du mot comme les temps présents et de l’administration. La corruption au Nigeria imprègne la plupart des secteurs de la vie publique. Bien que les cas de corruptions abondantes soient également  lies dans le secteur privé en terme monétaire et administratif, le secteur public est un domaine clé qui a été identifié comme un conduit pour le pillage des fonds publics par les fonctionnaires. Des cas récents de fonctionnaires accusés (actifs et retraités) donnaient  crédit à  la nécessite urgente et essentielle pour rendre les institutions publiques et structurées plus responsables et transparentes dans leurs relations. A l’heure actuelle, le pays se classe 136 sur 168 pays dans l’indice de perception de la corruption 2015 publie par (Transparence International). Ceci  est une note austère qui appelle à un besoin urgent de déployer toutes mesures nécessaires pour endiguer la marée de la corruption au Nigéria.

Cela a été également observé par une section de nigérians que les efforts actuels de lutte contre la corruption du président Muhammadu Buhari atteindraient très peu qu’il ne devienne un programme essentiel qui peut être poursuivi au niveau de l’état et au sein des locaux. En effet, l’opinion publique sur la lutte contre la corruption diffère. Pour certains Nigérians, cela indique que c’est un programme exclusif du président actuel qui est seulement  dynamique au niveau fédéral, même si la corruption existe à d’autres niveaux (institutions gouvernementales, locales et procédures). Considérant que certains ont observé fermement que la lutte contre la corruption est sélective et ne vise que les politiciens de l’ancienne administration, parmi d’autres assertions.

Les domaines spécifiques où la corruption a été liée aux états et aux autorités  locales (AL) sont : la coopération de compte conjoint entre les états et les autorités locales, l’approvisionnement et  le prix des accords et le manque de transparence et de contrôle dans les procédures et la mise en œuvre, etc. L’absence de données et d’informations budgétaires  et le mauvais système de tenue des dossiers aux Ministères, Départements et Agences (MDA)  est un facteur important qui a aidé la corruption à un niveau bas du gouvernement. Ainsi, l’engagement des citoyens devient crucial pour un système de gouvernance ouvert et transparent.

Les citoyens doivent participer à ces opérations pour exiger la responsabilité de compte en revendiquant l’espace dans la lutte contre la corruption au niveau des états et  autorités locales. En tant qu’organisation de la société civile à la pointe des reformes du  secteur de la justice,  la Fondation CLEEN croit que l’instrument juridique essentiel qui pourrait aider les citoyens de vérifier la corruption au sein des institutions et des procédures au niveau local de l’état est  L’Acte de la Liberté d’Information (ALI). Cela détaille  le droit des citoyens de demander et de recevoir des documents venant du gouvernement qui devraient permettre l’engagement  efficace des citoyens dans les programmes publics et de gouvernance.  Une libre circulation d’information sur la performance du gouvernement favorise la participation et ouvre la porte pour la société civile de s’engager au programme public.

La réunion de la mairie organisée  par la Fondation CLEEN  tiendra le mercredi 29 Juin à Kaduna avec le thème : « promouvoir les citoyens de l’appui à la lutte contre la corruption au Nigéria ». La réunion  renforcera la capacité des membres de la communauté et d’autres intervenants clés au niveau de l’état et des autorités locales  en s’engagement avec  des outils disponibles et des chaînes innovantes pour participer à la lutte contre toutes les formes de corruption. Des représentants de principales agences anti greffe présenteront des papiers et répondront aux discussions de plancher sur la façon dont les citoyens peuvent faire partie à la lutte contre la corruption, exigent ainsi la responsabilisation et la transparence des institutions de l’état et les procédures de gouvernance locale. La réunion de la mairie de Kaduna mettra également l’accent sur le prix de la corruption au Nigéria en vue d’offrir des perspectives aux citoyens sur les effets négatifs de grandes envergures contre la corruption et engendre sur presque tous les secteurs de l’économie  y compris : les infrastructures, la sécurité, le bien-être, l’économie, la politique et la sante parmi d’autres. La réunion de la mairie fournira une plateforme pour le partage des représentants des organisations  aux citoyens sur les mesures d’informations qu’ils pourraient prendre pour aider à renforcer la lutte contre la corruption. Des réunions similaires sont prévues à Lagos, Rivers et Benue avant la fin de l’année. Nous espérons que ces réunions génèreront des effets qui ruisselleront jusqu’à la base en éduquant les citoyens de devenir  plus conscients à la corruption et les effets négatifs à l’égard d’assurer leur engagement de combattre une grande portée. Grace à ces efforts soutenus à travers le Nigéria, l’engagement des citoyens pour exiger la transparence et la responsabilité et de générer des idées transversales pour vérifier les pratiques de corruption au sein du gouvernement et de ses institutions sera grandement améliorée.

L’état de Kaduna présente un bon  point de départ pour promouvoir nos engagements anti-corruption étant donné la bonne volonté du gouvernement tel qu’il exprime dans sa vivacité et ouverture de soutenir tels efforts louables pour une société ouverte. Les organisations de la société civile à l’appui de la lutte contre la corruption continuera de collaborer avec les gouvernements ces états pour faire le travail des fonds publics pour le peuple envers un gouvernement ouvert et responsable.

Sensitization Workshops on Voluntary Principles, Security and Human Rights (VPs) in Abia and Imo States

Oil theft and pipeline vandalization has been an issue in Nigeria as the menace has drastically affected security and economy of the country. Past administrations and oil companies have spent huge amount of money in a bid to curb this crime but no significant result has been recorded. This has widened the gap in the relationship between the host communities and oil companies.

The host communities affirm that the oil companies that have facilities in their communities are not doing enough to assist the communities while the companies are downsizing as a result of the falling price of crude oil in the global oil market. These have also been worsened in Nigeria through the activities of the pipeline vandals and economic criminals engaging in oil theft.

Cost of securing the oil facilities has increased the cost of production that as oil companies find it very difficult to adhere strictly to the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) they signed with these communities. On the other hand the Governments at all level have not been spared as the dwindling economy has hampered development and aggravated the level of insecurity in the country.

The CLEEN Foundation is leading in the implementation of Accountable Governance for Justice and Security Project also known as Access Nigeria (Access NG); a project designed to contribute to building more accountable institutions in Nigeria by enhancing institutional transparency and preventing impunity for those who engage in corruption and Transnational Organized Crime ( including oil theft and pipeline vandalization)

This project affords the organization an opportunity to deepen the fight against oil theft and pipeline vandalization under its cost of corruption component, where the organization has been facilitating sensitization workshops against oil theft and pipeline vandalization; and encouraging the use of VPs initiative as a dialogue tool for stakeholders’ engagement in the extractive sector. 

Sequel to the workshops organized by CLEEN in January, 2016 in Umuorie, Owaza, Oguta and Ohaji to educate oil bearing communities on Community policing and the need to prioritize security of the communities and oil facilities, CLEEN is organizing another set of workshops in the above mentioned communities to deepen the knowledge of VPs towards encouraging respect for human rights in security management. Furthermore, the workshop aimed at building the capacity of community members on Conflict Management and Crime Prevention with a view to promote security of lives and properties in the communities.

This would further strengthen the advocacy for Nigeria Government to sign on to VPs, that would contribute in restoring peace and security in Niger Delta region and Nigeria at large.

The workshops are slated to hold as follow:

·         19^th April, 2016 -   Oguta Localgovernment secretariat hall, Oguta, Imo State

·         21^st April, 2016 -   Umuokanne Primary School, Ohaji/ Egbema , Imo State

·         26^th April, 2016 -   Owaza Civic Hall, Owaza, Ukwa West, Abia State

·         28^th April, 2016 -   Umuorie Civic Hall, Umuorie Ukwa West, Abia State 

These workshops would have in attendance representatives of community and development association leaders, security agencies, informal policing groups, community based organizations, religious leaders, National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), Niger Delta Anti-corruption Network (NIDAN), South East Governance Network (SEGON), Zero Corruption Coalition (ZCC), Oil Companies and Local Government Authorities etc.

CLEEN foundation calls on Oil companies that have facilities in these communities to see the workshops as platforms to enhance their relationship with their host communities that would encourage and ensure effective collaboration in the fight against oil theft and pipeline vandalization.

For more information on Sensitization Campaign against Oil Theft and Pipeline Vandalization, using VPs as dialogue tool, kindly contact Ifeanyi Anyanwu on ifeanyi.anyanwu@cleen.org or visit www.cleen.org.

Signed

Benson Olugbuo

Acting Executive Director

CLEEN Foundation is a non-governmental organization established in January, 1998 to promote public safety, security and access to justice through empirical research, legislative advocacy, demonstration of programmes and publications, in partnership with Government, Civil society Organizations and the private sector.

 De courts ateliers d’apprentissage sur des principes volontaires, la sécurité et les droits de l’homme (PVs) dans  les états d’ Abia et Imo prévus pour le 19, 21, 26 et 28 Avril 2016.

18 Avril, 2016

Le vol du pétrole et le vandale de la canalisation ont été un problème au Nigeria que la menace de sécurité a considérablement affecté l’économie du pays. Les anciennes administrations et les compagnies pétrolières ont dépensé énormément d’argent dans le but d’enrayer ce crime, mais aucun résultat significatif n’a été enregistré.

Cela a sillonné l’écart dans la relation entre les communautés abord et les compagnies pétrolières.

Les communautés abord affirment que les compagnies pétrolières qui ont des installations dans leurs communautés ne font pas assez pour aider les collectivités alors que les entreprises réduisent leurs effectifs en raison de la baisse du prix du pétrole brut sur le marché mondial du pétrole. Ceux-ci ont également été aggravés  au Nigeria à travers les activités de vandale de la canalisation et les criminels économiques engagés dans le vol du pétrole.

Le prix de la sécurisation des installations pétrolières a augmenté le prix de la production que les compagnies pétrolières trouvent très difficile de respecter strictement le protocole d’agrément  (P d’A),  qu’ils ont signé avec ces communautés. D’autres part, les gouvernements à tous niveaux ne sont pas épargnés que l’économie en baisse a entravé  le développement et aggravé  le niveau d’insécurité dans pays.

La Fondation CLEEN est dirigeant à la mise en œuvre de la gouvernance responsable de la justice et du projet de sécurité et également connue sous le nom d’accès Nigeria (Accès Nigeria) ; un projet destiné  à contribuer à la construction d’institutions plus responsable au Nigeria en renforçant la transparence institutionnelle et la prévention de l’impunité pour ceux qui se livrent à la corruption et la criminalité transnationale organisée ( y compris le vol du pétrole et le vandale de la canalisation).

Ce projet donne à l’organisation une occasion d’approfondir la lutte contre le vol du pétrole et le vandale de la canalisation sous son prix de composante de corruption, ou l’organisation a facilité des ateliers d’apprentissage contre le vol du pétrole et le vandale de la canalisation ; et encouragé  l’utilisation de l’initiative PVs  comme un outil de dialogue pour l’engagement des parties prenantes dans le secteur extractif. Suite aux ateliers organisés par CLEEN  en Janvier 2016 dans Umuorie, Owaza, Oguta et Ohaji d’éduquer les communautés altérées  sur la police communautaire et la nécessité  de donner la priorité, la sécurité des communautés et des installations pétrolières, CLEEN organise une autre série d’ateliers, mentionnés ci-dessus  d’approfondir la connaissance des PVs pour encourager le respect des droits de l’homme dans la gestion de la sécurité. En outre, l’atelier visait à renforcer les capacités des membres de la communauté sur la gestion des conflits et la prévention du crime en vue de promouvoir la sécurité des vies et des biens dans la communauté.

Cela permet de renforcer le plaidoyer au gouvernement du Nigeria de signer au VPs, qui contribuerait à rétablir la paix et la sécurité dans la région du Niger Delta dans son ensemble.

Les ateliers sont prévus pour tenir comme suit :

·         19 Avril, 2016- Oguta  au gouvernement local à la salle du secrétariat, Oguta, l’État d’Imo

·         21 Avril, 2016- Ecole Primaire  d’Umuokanne, Ohaji/Egbema, l’État d’Imo

·         26 Avril, 2016-La salle civique d’Owaza, Owaza, Ukwa Ouest, l’État d’Abia

·         28 Avril, 2016- La salle civique d’Umuorie, Umuorie Ukwa Ouest, l’État  d’Abia.

Ces ateliers hébergeraient les représentants de la communauté et des associations des dirigeants  de développement, les agences de sécurité, des groupes de police informels, les organisations communautaires, les chefs religieux, la commission nationale des droits de l’homme  (CNDH), le réseau d’anti-corruption du Niger Delta (RAND), le réseau de gouvernance du Sud –Est (RGSE), la coalition zéro corruption  (CZC), les compagnies pétrolières et les autorités gouvernementales locales, etc.

La Fondation CLEEN appelle les compagnies pétrolières et les installations dans ces communautés pour voir les ateliers comme plates-formes pour améliorer leurs relations avec leurs communautés abord qui encourageraient et assureraient une collaboration efficace dans la lutte contre le vol du pétrole et le vandale de la canalisation.

Pour plus d’informations sur la campagne d’apprentissage contre le vol du pétrole et le vandale de la canalisation, en utilisant VPs comme outil de dialogue, veuillez contacter Ifeanyi Ananwu sur ifeanyi.anyanwu@cleen.org ou bien visitez www.cleen.org

Signé

Benson Olugbuo

Directeur Exécutif par intérim

La Fondation CLEEN est une organisation non gouvernementale créée en Janvier 1998 pour promouvoir la sécurité publique, la sécurité et l’accès à la justice par la recherche empirique,  le plaidoyer législatif, la démonstration des programmes et les publications, en partenariat avec le gouvernement, les organisations de la société civile et le secteur privé.